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The Sudanese commander known as Hemedti, once earned his living trading camels and gold. Currently, his RSF militia control nearly half of the Sudanese territory.

Seizing Power in Darfur

Hemedti's forces scored a major victory by overrunning the city of el-Fasher, which was the final army garrison in the western region.

Hated and dreaded by his enemies, Hemedti is admired by his loyalists for his ruthlessness and his promise to dismantle the discredited state.

Modest Origins

His background is humble. He hails from the Mahariya section of the camel-herding Rizeigat community, an Arabic-speaking group that straddles Chad and Darfur.

His birth year is approximately 1975, like many from rural areas, his date and place of birth were not officially registered.

Guided by his uncle Juma Dagolo, his clan relocated to Darfur in the 1970s and 80s, escaping war and in search of greener pastures.

Early Career

Dropping out of education in his adolescence, Hemedti began earning by dealing in livestock across the desert to neighboring countries.

During that period, Darfur was a lawless frontier—impoverished, neglected by the government of then-President Bashir.

Local armed groups known as the Janjaweed raided villages of the native Fur communities, escalating a major uprising in 2003.

Ascendancy Amid Conflict

As a countermeasure, Bashir massively expanded the Janjaweed to spearhead his anti-rebel campaign. They quickly gained notoriety for burning, looting, and killing.

Hemedti's force was among them, accused in attacking the village of Adwa in late 2004, claiming the lives of 126 people, including 36 children.

A US investigation determined that the Janjaweed were guilty of genocide.

Calculated Moves

After the peak of violence in 2004, Hemedti skillfully navigated his rise to become head of a influential militia, a business network, and a political machine.

He briefly mutinied, demanding unpaid salaries for his soldiers, advancements, and a political position for his brother. Bashir acceded to many of his requests.

Subsequently, when rival militias rebelled, Hemedti commanded loyalist troops that defeated them, gaining control Darfur's biggest gold mining site at Jebel Amir.

Rapidly, his family company Al-Gunaid became the top gold exporter in Sudan.

Institutionalizing Influence

In 2013, Hemedti requested and obtained official recognition as head of the newly formed Rapid Support Forces, reporting directly to Bashir.

Former militiamen were absorbed into the RSF, receiving modern equipment and training.

Regional Ambitions

Hemedti's forces engaged in Darfur, performed less successfully in the Nuba region, and accepted a role to police the Libyan frontier.

Supposedly stopping illegal crossings, Hemedti's commanders also excelled at corruption and human smuggling.

In 2015, Gulf nations asked Sudanese troops for the Yemen conflict. Hemedti negotiated a separate deal to provide RSF mercenaries.

His ties with the UAE proved most consequential, marking the start of a strong alliance with UAE officials.

Expanding Influence

Young Sudanese men flocked to RSF recruiting centers for signing bonuses of up to six thousand dollars.

Hemedti formed an alliance with the Russian Wagner organization, gaining expertise in exchange for business arrangements, particularly in the gold trade.

His trip to Russia coincided with the day of the Ukraine war outbreak.

Turning on Allies

With rising demonstrations, Bashir deployed Hemedti's units to the city of Khartoum, dubbing him himayti.

This backfired. In April 2019, when demonstrators called for change, Bashir instructed troops to shoot. Instead, the generals overthrew him.

Initially, Hemedti was celebrated as a new leader for Sudan. He tried to reposition himself, but that lasted only weeks.

Return to Violence

As the transition stalled, Hemedti deployed his forces, which committed massacres, assaulted females, and reportedly executed men in the River Nile.

Hemedti has denied that the RSF engaged in war crimes.

Pressed by international powers, the generals and civilians agreed to a compromise, leading to an uneasy partnership for two years.

Current Conflict

When a committee started looking into military-owned companies, the two generals dismissed the civilians and took control.

However, they disagreed. Burhan demanded the RSF be integrated into the military. Hemedti resisted.

Last year, RSF units moved to surround strategic locations in the capital. The attempted putsch failed, and violence broke out city-wide.

Conflict intensified in Darfur, with the RSF mounting a vicious campaign against the Masalit people.

International organizations report thousands of casualties, with the US describing it genocide.

Present Situation

The RSF has acquired advanced arms, including sophisticated drones, deployed against Burhan's stronghold and crucial in the assault on el-Fasher.

With this weaponry, the RSF is in a strategic stalemate with the national military.

Hemedti has formed a rival administration, the so-called unity government, appointing himself leader.

After taking el-Fasher, the RSF now controls almost all populated areas in western Sudan.

After allegations of atrocities, Hemedti announced a probe into abuses committed by his fighters.

Many believe Hemedti envisions himself as ruler of an independent region or aspires to control the entire country.

It's also possible, he may become a political puppet master, controlling businesses, a mercenary army, and a political party.

While Hemedti's troops continue atrocities in al-Fasher, he seems assured of avoiding consequences in a global community that overlooks.